If Theresa May went for an early General Election, then hers would still be the largest party in the resulting hung Parliament. But if she waited until 2022, or even only until well before that, then Jeremy Corbyn would by then have been proved as right about this as he was about Kosovo, about Afghanistan, about Iraq, about Libya, and about Syria:
There can be no one in Britain who is not outraged by the
appalling
attack on
Sergei Skripal and his daughter Yulia in Salisbury last week. The use of military nerve agents on the streets of Britain is barbaric and beyond reckless.
This horrific event demands first of all the most thorough and painstaking criminal investigation, conducted by our police and security services. They have a right to expect full support in their work, just as the public should also be able to expect calm heads and a measured response from their political leaders.
To rush way ahead of the evidence being gathered by the police, in a fevered parliamentary atmosphere, serves neither justice nor our national security. Theresa May was right on Monday to identify two possibilities
This horrific event demands first of all the most thorough and painstaking criminal investigation, conducted by our police and security services. They have a right to expect full support in their work, just as the public should also be able to expect calm heads and a measured response from their political leaders.
To rush way ahead of the evidence being gathered by the police, in a fevered parliamentary atmosphere, serves neither justice nor our national security. Theresa May was right on Monday to identify two possibilities
for the
source of the attack in Salisbury, given that the nerve agent used has been identified as
of original Russian manufacture. Either this was a crime authored by the
Russian state; or that state has allowed these deadly toxins to slip out of the
control it has an obligation to exercise. If the latter, a connection to
Russian mafia-like groups that have been allowed to gain a toehold in Britain
cannot be excluded.
On Wednesday the prime minister ruled out neither option. Which
of these ultimately prove to be the case is a matter for police and security
professionals to determine. Hopefully the next step will be the arrest of those
responsible.
As I said in parliament, the Russian
authorities must be held to account on the basis of the evidence, and our
response must be both decisive and proportionate. But let us not manufacture a
division over Russia where none exists.
Labour is of
course no supporter of the Putin regime, its conservative authoritarianism,
abuse of human rights or political and economic corruption. And we pay tribute
to Russia’s many campaigners for social justice and human rights, including for
LGBT rights. However, that does not mean we should resign
ourselves to a “new cold war” of escalating arms spending, proxy conflicts
across the globe and a McCarthyite intolerance of dissent.
Instead, Britain
needs to uphold its laws and its values without reservation. And those should
be allied to a foreign policy that uses every opportunity to reduce tensions
and conflict wherever possible.
This
government’s diplomacy is failing the country. Unqualified support for Donald
Trump and rolling out the red carpet for a Saudi despot not
only betrays our values, it makes us less safe.
And our capacity to deal with outrages from
Russia is compromised by the tidal wave of ill-gotten cash that Russian
oligarchs – both allied with and opposed to the Russian government – have
laundered through London over the past two decades. We must stop servicing
Russian crony capitalism in Britain, and the corrupt billionaires who use
London to protect their wealth.
So
I will not step back from demanding that Russian money be excluded from our
political system. We will be holding the government’s feet to the fire to fully
back Labour’s proposed Magnitsky-style sanctions against human
rights abusers, along with a wider crackdown on money laundering and tax
avoidance.
We agree with the government’s action in relation to Russian diplomats
, but
measures to tackle the oligarchs and their loot would have a far greater impact
on Russia’s elite than limited tit-for-tat expulsions. We are willing to back
further sanctions as and when the investigation into the Salisbury attack
produces results.
But if we are to unite our allies behind
action that needs taking, we must make full use of existing international
treaties and procedures for dealing with chemical weapons. That means working
through the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons to
reduce the threat from these horrific weapons, including if necessary an
investigation by chemical weapons inspectors into the distribution of
Soviet-era weapons.
There
can and should be the basis for a common political response to this crime. But
in my years in parliament I have seen clear thinking in an international crisis
overwhelmed by emotion and hasty judgments too many times. Flawed intelligence
and dodgy dossiers led to the calamity of the Iraq invasion. There was
overwhelming bipartisan support for attacking Libya, but it proved to be wrong.
A universal repugnance at the 9/11 attacks led to a war on Afghanistan that
continues to this day, while terrorism has spread across the globe.
The continuing fallout from the collapse of
the Soviet Union and the virtual collapse of the Russian state in the 1990s
must be addressed through international law and diplomacy if we are to reverse
the drift to conflict.
Right now, the perpetrators of the Salisbury
attack must be identified and held to account. Only through firm multilateral
action can we ensure such a shocking crime never happens again.
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