Peter Oborne writes:
The escalating war in Yemen has
subverted the international order.
Since the end of World War Two, there has
been a pattern of client regimes engaging in proxy wars on behalf of major
powers.
Today it is the other way around. In
Yemen, Britain and the United States are dancing to the Saudi tune.
Crucially,
Saudi Arabia and its allies did not attack Yemen on behalf of the West. It is
Britain and the US who are facilitating Saudi Arabia’s war.
We
provide Saudi Arabia with arms and military advice, give moral support and,
through the UN Security Council, essential diplomatic protection.
Britain
has, in short, become Saudi Arabia’s proxy on the international stage as it
pummels Yemen from the air in an attempt to restore Abd Rabbuh Mansour
Hadi - the internationally recognised Yemeni president who fled to
Riyadh, begging for protection, after he was chased out of his country by
rebels from the north Yemen Houthi movement.
This
is the very troubling diplomatic background to the funeral
bombing in the Yemeni
capital of Sanaa on Saturday.
Even though four days have passed, details
are still emerging. Nobody is yet certain how many died.
Official
figures state 140 were killed, along with countless injured, many of whom need
urgent medical treatment which is unavailable in Sanaa hospitals.
However,
thanks to the Saudi air blockade, they cannot get out of the country to obtain
the life-saving treatment they need.
Wretched
response
Britain
bears a very heavy responsibility for this murder, mayhem and carnage. Yet the
response from Middle East Minister Tobias Ellwood has been wretched.
He says that he had “raised
concerns” with Saudi Arabia. I have studied the minister’s morally
abject statement.
The
unfortunate Ellwood cannot
even bring himself to
condemn the attack, and has not demanded an independent investigation.
This
is part of a pattern of behaviour from Ellwood.
I am coming to believe that his
persistent failure to condemn the savage acts committed by Saudi Arabia and its
allies in the Yemeni conflict makes him an accessory to mass murder.
Consider
the facts: in the face of repeated Saudi atrocities, Britain continues to
supply arms to Saudi Arabia and we have effectively blocked the establishment
of an international independent investigative mechanism to look into the
conflict.
Meanwhile, Britain has
advisers in control
rooms assisting Saudi-led coalition bombing raids across Yemen. What on earth
are they doing there?
A
Ministry of Defence spokesman told The
Telegraph in January that
these advisers are in Saudi Arabia to ensure “best practice” and make sure that
international humanitarian law is observed.
If
that is the case, Britain’s military advisers in Saudi Arabia are a bunch of
incompetents who are failing
scandalously in their
task.
Either they are indeed exceptionally incompetent, or the government is
not being straight about their true role.
There
are urgent, burning questions to be answered about the true role of British
advisers in Saudi Arabia as the massacre of civilians continues.
Parliament
misled
We
also know that Ellwood (and other ministers) have repeatedly
misled the House of
Commons about their knowledge of Saudi atrocities, something they were obliged
to confess in statements in July.
Meanwhile,
he makes excuses for Saudi conduct. This is what he
told MPs on the floor
of the Commons in January:
“We are aware that the Houthis, who are very
media-savvy in such a situation, are using their own artillery pieces
deliberately, targeting individual areas where the people are not loyal to
them, to give the impression that there have been air attacks.”
On
Tuesday, I asked the Foreign Office for evidence to support Ellwood’s
eye-catching claim that the Houthis were massacring their own people in order
to fool the world into thinking that the Saudis were attacking Yemeni
civilians.
An
official declined to answer on the basis that “we can’t comment on
intelligence matters” and suggested that I approach Saudi Arabia to find
out more.
The
example of Iraq stands there as a stark warning of the dangers inherent in
misuse of intelligence.
I am afraid that the Saudi government (which will not
admit responsibility publicly for
the weekend attack on the funeral) does not carry credibility.
So
what’s going on?
Either Ellwood is very stupid and naïve or, alternatively, he
misled the House of Commons and also the British people in order to cover up
Saudi mass murder.
Which
is it?
I have met Mr Ellwood, a former army officer, once or twice, and he
did not appear to me to be especially bright.
After resigning his commission at
the rank of captain, he went into business, and worked in business
development on the London Stock Exchange before entering politics.
Some
observers attach significance to the fact that the London Stock Exchange is
currently competing against
rivals to list the Saudi oil giant Aramco.
This would be the largest flotation
in history and is a mouthwatering prize. Britain is naturally desperate to win
the business.
I
don’t think there is anything in this.
My guess would be that Ellwood is acting
from a tragically misplaced sense of British patriotism which leads him to
believe that it is in our national interest to stand by and support a close
ally as it massacres civilians in a neighbouring country.
If
so, I am afraid he has taken a terrible wrong turn. Decent man he way be, but
Ellwood fails to understand what Britain stands for across the world.
And that,
for the rest of his life, he will chiefly be remembered for his role in British
complicity in mass murder in Yemen.
Criminal
liability
This
takes us into uncomfortable and complex territory.
I believe there is no doubt
that British ministers are morally responsible for sanctioning Saudi
atrocities.
Are
they legally responsible as well? Will they ultimately be required to pay not
just a moral but also a legal and perhaps a criminal price?
As
the slaughter goes on, this is becoming more and more of a live issue.
On
Monday, Reuters revealed that legal advisers in the US State
Department have privately fretted that US officials could be prosecuted as a
result of their role in backing the Saudi air campaign in Yemen.
Reuters has obtained emails and other
records connected with US involvement in the Saudi-led war on Yemen.
One of
these emails made a specific reference to a ruling in 2013 from the war crimes
trial of ex-Liberian president Charles Taylor.
The ruling widened the
international definition of aiding and abetting war crimes to include
“practical assistance, encouragement or moral support”.
These
legal considerations are even more relevant to the UK than to the US because
Britain (unlike
the US) is fully signed up to the Rome Statute, the treaty which set
up the International Criminal Court (ICC) to investigate crimes under international
law.
This
means that ministers could be individually liable before an appropriate
international criminal tribunal (for instance the ICC) for war crimes.
Friendly
advice
Crucially,
when it comes to possible complicity in the commission of war crimes, crimes
against humanity or genocide, ministers and government leaders are precluded
from citing immunities usually associated with being heads of states and heads
of government.
So
I have some friendly but deadly serious advice for Tobias Ellwood: be careful
how you go as you defend your Saudi friends.
The
same applies to the Foreign Secretary Boris Johnson. To be fair to Johnson, he
is relatively new to his portfolio.
However,
unless he dramatically changes British policy, he like Ellwood risks making
himself personally liable to prosecution for giving “practical assistance,
encouragement or moral support” to the Saudi killing machine in Yemen.
I
believe that this risk may help explain Britain’s refusal
to sanction an
international independent UN inquiry into the atrocities committed by all sides
in Yemen.
After
all, there is no telling where such an inquiry may lead.
A UN inquiry might
well recommend the setting up of a tribunal which could, in turn, lead to the
prosecution of British ministers for complicity in possible war crimes.
At
this point, the spectre of Boris Johnson and Tobias Ellwood, heads bowed,
facing war crimes related charges at the Hague starts to loom.
So
it is not just loyalty to an ally that lies behind Britain’s decision to
effectively block an independent international investigation in the atrocities.
It is naked self-interest from British ministers who face the long-term danger
of prosecution for complicity in mass murder.
No comments:
Post a Comment