Wednesday, 27 May 2026

Nigel Farage, Josh Simons and The Guardian

The Morning Star editorialises:

What do Josh Simons and Nigel Farage have in common — apart from the nationalism, obviously?

Answer: They both blame embarrassing revelations on Russian hacks.

The disgraced ex-minister, and now ex-MP, was running Labour Together when it contrived, with the full knowledge of key Keir Starmer aide Morgan McSweeney, to blame the exposure of its law-breaking on a Russian hack.

The truth was that investigative journalist Paul Holden had uncovered the truth behind Labour Together’s failure to declare donations in line with the law through entirely legitimate journalistic enterprise.

It suited Simons to spin another narrative to the media — that his organisation, then busy shifting the Labour Party to the right and preparing, most inadequately as it turned out, to take office, was the victim of interference by a hostile state.

The lie — for that it what it was — would, in his reasoning, divert attention from the original offence and would protect McSweeney, above all, from the consequences of his wrongdoing which, Holden had revealed, may perhaps not have been as accidental as first asserted.

Starmer’s top confidante and strategist had been running Labour Together at the time of the failure to report the donations, and was therefore vulnerable to any exposé.

And now the leader of Reform is caught in the headlights of the revelation of a personal donation of five million pounds from crypto billionaire Nigel Harborne, the party’s main founder.

The slippery Farage has test-driven several excuses since the gift was first disclosed in The Guardian.

First, it was to ensure his personal security for evermore. Then, it was a reward for his tireless campaigning to secure Brexit. When neither of these appeared to land well, Farage defaulted on — a Russian hack. Why the Putin government should be interested in embarrassing one of the British politicians most friendly to it was unexplained.

A former director of the National Cyber-Security Centre has dismissed Farage’s claims, just as the NCSC declined the invitation to participate in Simons’s media plan by investigating his unevidenced nonsense.

So far, all this proves is that Russophobia is now the go-to cover story for all sorts of dodgy political dealings. Of course, Russia has its own intelligence operation and Britain is one of its targets, as Moscow is one of MI6’s.

But the idea that the hand of the Kremlin is behind every episode that someone powerful would rather keep secret is risible, and only serves to protect the most ignoble chancers in politics.

However, there is a significant difference between the tale of Simons and Farage’s story. In the case of the latter, The Guardian is outraged, surely rightly, to have its reporting smeared as a Russian manipulation.

Yet when Simons came to peddle his innuendo the urinal into which he chose to leak was — The Guardian.

Its reporters were nothing loathe to give his wild assertions credibility and told Holden they were about to run a story saying, falsely, that the security services were investigating his sources.

In the end, legal threats stayed the paper’s hand. But the double standards are striking.

They are testimony to the degree to which, before the election, wide sections of the media bought into the Starmer agenda and were only too happy to be led by the nose by its spinners and smear-merchants, just as their forebears once were by Peter Mandelson.

Perhaps the eminent bastion of the liberal media will have learned a lesson. For the rest of us, a lesson is the importance of the working class having its own independent press and media which cannot be suborned by the self-serving fairy tales of the powerful and unscrupulous.

New Labour, New Cadre?

Since this heat does not lend itself well to sleep, I have read Tony Blair so that you do not have to. Blairites, it is not whether I agree with Peter Mandelson’s front man. It is whether you do. For example:

I don’t believe with the Trump Presidency we’re witnessing a ‘rupture’.

To be clear, we were never asked to ‘join’ America’s military action in Iran and, never having been part of the planning for such a mission, could not have been part of it. The initial request was simply for the use of our military bases for the refuelling of American planes. I understand the reasons for refusal but it’s not the best way to treat our ally.

Not for full articulation here [why not?], but we need a functioning relationship with the other superpower: China. Keir Starmer was absolutely right to visit. We have major points of disagreement with China but the idea we can afford to ignore China or treat China as if we were dealing with a modern version of the Soviet Union is profoundly mistaken. The Western alliance should be strong enough to deal with whatever comes from China; but stay engaged with it and where viable, cooperate with it.

There is a developing sense that as the country becomes more ‘European’, and British opinion moves against Brexit, then at some point it is ripe to enter a debate about ‘going back’. This is not a strategy.

The net-zero acceleration ... The prime minister and the chancellor should have said right at the outset: these are commitments which economic circumstances have rendered unwise to proceed with.

We should deal by whatever means with small boats.

Not civil-service retraining, but a new cadre of workforce, with the specialist technical skills necessary to do systemic change. Departments effectively run by ministers not exclusively from the ranks of Parliament if they have the necessary experience and capability in change management, with special provision for them to be accountable.

On that last point, Dominic Cummings rides again. So, David Miliband, Alastair Campbell, John Rentoul, David Aaronovitch, Oliver Kamm, Philip Collins, and all the rest, do you agree with those statements? And if Blair’s entire programme, which no sitting Labour MP appears to have welcomed, is still acceptable within the Labour Party, then will Blair, who is seven years younger than Donald Trump, be Labour’s candidate at the next parliamentary by-election after the three on 18 June? If not, why not?

It Doesn’t Have To Be This Way

JD Flynn makes an excellent suggestion:

The leadership of the Society of St. Pius X has announced this week the names of four priests it intends to consecrate to the episcopacy, and by that, incur the penalty of schism.

We have spent a lot of ink at The Pillar on the SSPX, and we’ll doubtless spill more — in part because we’re watching in real time a new ecclesial rupture unfold, or at least be cemented, and one that comes with maddening insistence that disobedience is really the highest form of obedience.

There is some sense in which the consecration of the new bishops provides a sort of finality to the saga of the SSPX, who have occupied a gray area in ecclesiastical life for several decades. Priests will be consecrated bishops, they will be excommunicated, and the status of the society will more clearly reflect the break of ecclesial communion that goes unspecified in terms like “imperfect communion,” which have been favored by the Vatican in recent years.

The positive effect is that the break will offer Catholics — including the SSPX’s priests — a choice: You’re either obedient to the pope in a moment of black-and-white instruction, or you’ve thrown yourself in with disobedience, because of how you justify it.

That choice may see some SSPX Catholics choose to return to a more normalized sacramental life — especially if the pope seems more open to the liturgical preferences which often lead people to the SSPX in the first place.

But at the same time, the consecrations will have made four bishops who feel no compunction to obey the Supreme Pontiff when he gives them direct orders, and the Church’s ecclesiology is clear that whenever that happens, it’s a crisis.

Which is why I’m a bit surprised the pope hasn’t exercised an additional canonical option. Thus far, the Apostolic See has done all the penal law things that might be expected — issuing warnings with clear consequences, for those involved in the consecrations. I expect that the four announced priests will soon get personal warnings from the pope, outlining the imminent prospect of their declared excommunication, and the consequences thereof.

But if they disobey, they’ll still be bishops, consecrated with the episcopal character of the apostles’ successors, and with all the power that bishops have to ordain.

Except it doesn’t have to be this way.

Canon 841 establishes that “since the sacraments are the same for the whole Church and belong to the divine deposit, it is only for the supreme authority of the Church to approve or define the requirements for their validity.”

This is the canon which confirms that the Church can decree that Catholics can marry validly only according to canonical form, and before a delegated ecclesiastical witness, while other baptized Christians can contract the sacrament of marriage on horseback on the beach, or rappelling off the Sphere in Las Vegas, so long as they observe the civil law on marriage, making a true and recognizable consent to marriage’s essential goods and properties.

The Church sets strict requirements for Catholics who aim to validly contract marriage, because she believes those help to form Catholics to appreciate the sacred character of their marriages. And the Church has the power to do just that.

Which means, insofar as I can tell, that the pope can also decree that Catholic bishops can’t validly consecrate other bishops without a papal mandate. He would likely not want to take that so far as to say that no bishop can consecrate validly without a papal mandate — papal efforts to legislate over the Orthodox would set ecumenism back by about 500 years — but it’s not hard to imagine Catholic episcopal consecrations facing at least the same level of merely ecclesiastical regulation as Catholic marriages.

Now, I can’t be the first person to have conceived of this plan. But the pope hasn’t done it. And there may be good reason. But in case he’s reading it for the first time, I offer only that it’s within his power to do so, and that the canonists at The Pillar would be glad to suggest some colleagues who could draft the decree.

It’s That Man Again

There are eight living former Prime Ministers, and six of them have held the office since Tony Blair.

Blair is the only British member of Donald Trump’s so-called Board of Peace, making Labour the only British party with a member on that Board, thereby bringing the Labour Party into disrepute.

Keir Starmer or any candidate to succeed him should pledge to expel Blair from the Labour Party in what would once have been called a Clause Four moment, and defy anyone else to follow Blair out of the open door.

Tuesday, 26 May 2026

Significantly Outperforming?

"Sinn Féin councillor Niamh Fennell is stepping down from South Dublin County Council (SDCC) and emigrating to Australia, saying she sees no realistic path to being housed or building an independent life here." Yet she is not moving to Northern Ireland, where Sinn Féin is in government. Although, like vast numbers before her, she is moving from the only actually existing Irish Republic, to somewhere with the British monarch as its Head of State. Across the barricades, though, the Ulsterisation of the mainland British Right continues apace, with the Conservatives as their own old frenemies in the UUP, Reform UK as the DUP, Restore Britain as the TUV, and the same elements even further to the right again, of the kind that both Gordon Lyons and Jim Allister commendably condemned after last year's Ballymena pogroms. Those were of course an echo of the mainland riots of 2024. I was in prison with one of the Sunderland ringleaders of those, and he was married to a Thai, just as both of Nigel Farage's ex-wives were immigrants, just as his current partner is an immigrant, just as so are both Suella Braverman's husband and Robert Jenrick's wife, just as British is not one of Elon Musk's three nationalities, and just as Imran Mulla writes:

Restore Britain, a party led by former Reform MP Rupert Lowe which vows to reverse the "Islamisation of Britain", is receiving more public attention than ever.

Enthusiastically endorsed by South African-born billionaire and X owner Elon Musk, Restore has become a significant player in next month's Makerfield by-election, in which Greater Manchester Mayor Andy Burnham is standing to be elected as a Labour MP. 

If he wins, he is expected to challenge Prime Minister Keir Starmer for the premiership.

A Survation poll late last week put Labour on 43 percent, Reform on 40 percent and Restore in third place on 7 percent. 

Much of Restore's momentum has come from the internet, particularly X, on which Lowe and other accounts associated with the party have hundreds of thousands of followers.

Restore has promised to reverse the "Islamisation of Britain", ban halal and kosher slaughter, and achieve "net-negative" migration levels through a strategy of mass deportation.

But Lowe is now being widely attacked by many of his own fans online, as well as others on the ethnonationalist right, over his son's marriage last weekend.

On Sunday, Lowe posted a photo on X of his son, Angus Lowe, with his new wife Yasmin Mezran at their wedding ceremony.

Outrage soon erupted online because of her heritage: she is the daughter of Karim Mezran, a respected Libyan-Italian academic who has previously written for Middle East Eye.

Numerous online accounts said they felt betrayed, especially after it was reported that halal meat was served at the wedding.

Karim Mezran himself reposted a post saying that a halal option "was available for guests at the reception afterwards as many in attendance were Muslim. This is despite 'Official Restore Policy' to ban Halal Slaughter".

Association of Italian Muslim Intellectuals

Karim Mezran is an academic who has often written about immigration and integration.

In the 2000s, the academic served as secretary-general of the Association of Italian Muslim Intellectuals, which made headlines in 2008 for holding prayers for Christians facing religious violence in India.

In 2013, Mezran wrote a paper arguing that Muslims in Italy needed an "intesa", meaning agreement, with the Italian state. He argued that Muslims "are in search of an agreement with the state that would allow them to live and prosper within a legal framework that guarantees rights and duties".

"Unfortunately," Mezran wrote, "attempts at achieving such an agreement have come up against a wall of prejudice and fear from the Italian population, as well as a lack of courage and foresight on the part of Italian state institutions."

His paper argued in favour of a form of integration which could "lead to the type of pluralism and tolerance enshrined in the Italian constitution".

In October 2022, Mezran wrote that Italy risked damaging its relations with Middle Eastern countries if it "proceeds with a political strategy that effectively marginalizes Arabs and Muslims domestically".

He argued that: "Meloni’s government should carefully consider how it handles its nationalistic discourse to avoid any Islamophobic controversies that could ultimately spark a blowback of condemnations from its allies in the Arab world."

Mezran is currently the director of the North Africa Initiative and a resident senior fellow at the Rafik Hariri Center and Middle East Programs at the Atlantic Council, an American think tank.

In April 2025, after Pope Francis died, Mezran praised him for his "vocal standing behind the Palestinian plight, including multiple sermons on Gaza and near-daily calls with Gaza's Christian leaders through the war".

"The brutal massacre of the Palestinian population in the Gaza Strip by the Israeli Defense Forces, which came almost at the conclusion of his Pontificate, had quite publicly saddened and pained him in a deep way," Mezran wrote.

He has also written extensively as an analyst on political Islam in the Middle East, arguing in 2012 that the Muslim Brotherhood in Libya - which participated in elections after the fall of Muammar Gaddafi - "did not fit the stereotypes of the typical bearded or veiled Islamists". He advocated for Libyan liberal and religious conservative politicians working together.

In February 2023, Mezran co-wrote an opinion article for Middle East Eye arguing that, for Italy, "Algeria is a pillar of regional stability and a crucial actor in the Mediterranean region, Italy’s primary area of geo-strategic concern."

He wrote that, "Italy’s increasing focus on Algeria could also help the stability of the Algiers-EU relationship."

'Islamisation of Britain'

Mezran operates in a different intellectual universe from Restore and his daughter's new father-in-law, Lowe.

The MP for Great Yarmouth, a millionaire businessman and farmer who used to be chairman of Southampton FC, was suspended from Nigel Farage's Reform in March last year after calling it a "protest party led by the Messiah" and criticising Farage.

Restore is explicitly nativist. The party's spokesperson Charlie Downes said in February: "Reform UK believe that anyone from anywhere can become British. Restore Britain believe that Britain is a people defined by indigenous British ancestry and Christian faith."

Restore's website pledges: "A Restore Britain government would reverse the Islamisation of Britain."

The party has said the armed forces should recruit from the "native majority" rather than "fishing for minorities".

Last week, Lowe said that "foreign men from cultures and religions which treat women like shit are now roaming our streets - whether they arrived legally or illegally".

He added: "Afghans, Somalians, Albanians, Sudanese, Pakistanis, Eritreans. The importation list goes on and on ... They drink, they loiter, they spit, they intimidate, they harass."

Lowe is known for railing against halal and kosher slaughter.

Last year, the MP was widely criticised after revealing he asked his gamekeeper to shoot his 17-year-old dog in the back of the head at his estate in Gloucestershire.

He said the dog, Cromwell, could no longer use his back legs and described his decision as "humane".

Splitting the British right

X owner Musk has repeatedly declared his support for Restore, which says it has more than 123,000 members, posting "Only Restore Britain can save Britain" on Monday.

Farage denounced Musk as trying "to split the right of British politics as best he can. This is supporting a party that’s one man with a social media account. Quite what he’s trying to achieve, I have no idea."

Polls indicate that the right-wing vote is higher in Makerfield, which is a largely white and working-class constituency, than the vote for Burnham. But it is split between Reform, just a few points behind Labour, and Restore.

This means Restore is helping Burnham stay in the lead.

Restore's candidate is local businesswoman Rebecca Shepherd. Nick Lowles, the CEO of advocacy group Hope Not Hate [but don't let that put you off], said on Tuesday: "Restore Britain are out three times a day, and in numbers, and their campaign is being heavily promoted by far right vloggers and Elon Musk."

He added: "Reform's problem is now that the more they turn their focus on Rupert Lowe's Restore Britain, the more they are making it an attractive proposition for racists across the country."

Meanwhile Dan Hodges, a columnist for the Mail on Sunday, said on Tuesday that he had been told "by multiple sources from different parties that canvass returns for Makerfield show Restore significantly outperforming" the 7 percent it was given in the poll over the weekend. 

MEE has contacted Karim Mezran for comment.

Tam Antiquam, Tam Nova


A two-millennia-old institution with one foot in the Roman Empire challenges Silicon Valley’s masters of AI and automation to do better. That’s the generic read on Pope Leo XIV’s debut encyclical, Magnifica Humanitas, dramatized by photos from the Vatican of the pontiff shaking hands with Anthropic co-founder Christopher Olah. And that’s true enough: “artificial intelligence” is right there in the encyclical’s subtitle, and many of its 245 paragraphs are devoted to the topic.

Yet Magnifica Humanitas only incidentally concerns the promise and peril of the AI revolution. A closer examination reveals that Leo’s ultimate project is nothing less than a defense of moral and political universalism — the collective struggle for “a universal truth about the good, knowable by human reason,” as the pope puts it — just when universal reason is menaced on every side by various irrationalisms.

Put another way: amid the ruins of modernity’s great emancipatory universalisms — liberalism, socialism, “positive science” — Leo is reminding us that there is a much older mode of universal reason, blending revelation and classical philosophy, preserved by the Catholic Church. And that Rome, with its “dynamic approach to the Gospel,” isn’t afraid to acknowledge the achievements of exhausted modernity, nor to collaborate in its renewal today.

That collaborative element — Leo’s tipping of his mitre to the United Nations, multilateralism, abolitionist and labor movements, and the like — renders the encyclical supremely unfashionable. Not least among neo-traditionalists within the Church, for whom the document harks back to the heyday of Vatican II and the midcentury moment that saw theologians and hierarchs embrace projects like global governance.

The Christian malcontents are already tsk-tsking the document for a supposed failure to cite Aquinas (there are several citations to the Angelic Doctor, in fact). They are labeling the pope a UN-besotted “Boomer” (is there a worse epithet today?) and griping that he isn’t radically anti-modern enough.

The pope appears to have anticipated the backlash. Blind faith in markets and technology, he suggests, is far from the only latter-day irrationalism. Others include “fundamentalist, identity-based, and nationalistic reactions” that have been stoked by the failure of capitalism and technocracy since the end of the Cold War to “generate prosperity, democracy, and stability.” It isn’t hard to imagine Leo classing ultra-trad Catholics — the type who use the latest iPhone to post online laments about such “modernist” innovations as the Luminous Mysteries of the Most Holy Rosary — as one more species of insurgent fanatic.

Yet like it or not, the pope’s approach — combining a classical and Christian account of the human person with openness to modern means for social emancipation — goes back to the previous Pope Leo, Leo XIII, who inaugurated modern Catholic Social Teaching with his 1891 encyclical, Rerum Novarum.

For starters, Leo XIII recognized that the organization of social and economic life implicates the salvific mission of the Church and therefore the Church can’t stand neutral in relation to it. Writing in the teeth of the Industrial Revolution, that earlier Leo beheld around him “the enormous fortunes of some few individuals and the utter poverty of the masses” and a resulting “moral degeneracy.”

More fundamentally, Leo XIII saw modern market societies as characterized by a constitutive antagonism: “social antagonism [that] erupted not in spite of, but as a result of people acting rationally within the rules of the game,” as I’ve written elsewhere. Under industrial conditions, a handful of firms dominated most sectors, giving employers nearly all the bargaining power, with the result that workers didn’t enjoy the freedom promised to them on paper.

On paper, the employee could always find a better wage or better working conditions elsewhere. In reality, most workers found themselves coerced and cornered as a result of the disparities in power generated by markets. “The richer class have many ways of shielding themselves,” Leo observed, “whereas the mass of the poor have no resources of their own to fall back upon.”

Here Leo XIII’s classical and Christian anthropology came in: workers aren’t just another production input, but human beings with rights due them as a matter of “justice.” These rights, not least the right to a family wage, must be upheld by the state and promoted by associations, the “most important” of which are “workingmen’s associations” — i.e., labor unions. “Scanning the social horizon of the 21st century, Leo XIV doesn’t see only horror and decline.” Note: a living wage under Catholic Social Teaching is not a matter of charity or the personal virtue or feudal honour of the employer. I mention these other possibilities — charity, virtue, honour — to highlight the way in which the Leonine teaching combines classical and Christian anthropology with modern politics.

It’s classical in its anthropology: the worker is a human being with a family to maintain and the natural imperative to participate in civil society; if he’s materially desperate, his family falls to immorality and he can’t take part in other societies like church and politics.

It’s modern in that Leo XIII notably didn’t decry industrial production as such. He didn’t hanker for the restoration of feudal relations or a return to the land or small-producerism or other such fantasies of the Tweed Jacket Class. At some level, he accepted that there is no “going back behind” of modernity.

The answer for Leo XIII, rather, lay in just wages enforced by the state and in labor organizations mounting what he called “united action” (what we now call “collective action”). In this way, Leo XIII, decades before Vatican II, brought the Catholic Church into conversation and collaboration with modern universalist emancipatory movements: the US New Deal, the British Labour party, and social and Christian democracy in continental Europe all bear his imprint.

His later successor Benedict XVI, often inaccurately framed as an arch-conservative, would bring this synthesis of the classical and the modern to its culmination with his famous 2006 assertion that “in many respects, democratic socialism was and is close to Catholic social doctrine and has in any case made a remarkable contribution to the formation of a social consciousness.”

Leo XIV is perhaps more cautious. Nevertheless, the same general pattern — an insistence on the human person as possessed of divine dignity; a willingness to engage with modernity in protecting that dignity — is easily discernible in Magnifica Humanitas.

Citing Leo XIII, the American pope begins with the insistence that “the proclamation of the Gospel cannot overlook the concrete lives of people.” While there is an “autonomy of worldly affairs” and two distinct communities — the secular and the ecclesiastical — nevertheless the people of God are called to “promote structural reforms.” Why? Because the Church can’t extricate her activities from “social relations,” nor “consider herself a stranger to the forces shaping society.” In short: “There is no authentic evangelisation that does not also affect the structures of human society.”

Scanning the social horizon of the 21st century, Leo XIV doesn’t see only horror and decline. He doesn’t think that ours is a uniquely accursed age: “I am convinced that the concrete way of living out social relationships in the light of the Gospel is not established once and for all, but remains a task entrusted, from generation to generation, to the Christian community. . . For this reason, I encourage all members of the Church not to be afraid of the present challenges.”

The present challenges, to his mind, are AI and what he calls the “normalization of war” (a geopolitical phenomenon he worries might be exacerbated by AI and other developments in so-called defence-tech). AI, he warns, could lead to the logics of efficiency and profit crowding out all others — a radical acceleration of the “technocratic paradigm.” The symptoms include screen addiction, the potential for mass joblessness, and the imposition of tech bosses’ worldview on the masses under the facade of “objective” information.

At the deepest level, he fears, AI could strengthen an “anti-human vision.” Meaning one in which “the fullness of life is equated with having more, reducing weakness, eliminating uncertainty, and exerting total control.” The problem with this is that weakness, uncertainty, and finitude are central to what makes us human. They are a source of creativity and of empathy for the vulnerable other (who is finally vulnerable, as we ourselves are).

“A technology that merely classifies and optimizes what already exists can … become an obstacle to change and growth,” he notes in my favourite passage. “For an algorithm, an error is a flaw to be corrected; for a person, however, an error can be a catalyst for profound change.”

In the face of these threats, however, you won’t find any calls for a general ban against AI in this encyclical, no fatwas launching a Butlerian Jihad. On the contrary, Magnifica Humanitas is full of praise for AI’s potential to eliminate “arduous, repetitive or dangerous tasks and to provide intelligent support for human activity.” In this, Leo XIV follows Pope Francis, who in one of his final statements as pontiff, was hopeful that AI might “introduce important innovations in agriculture, education, and culture, an improved level of life for entire nations and peoples, and the growth of human fraternity and social friendship.”

As with manufacturing in Leo XIII’s time, the question is how to orient these “new things” to the dignity of the human person and the common good of the whole. Here, just as Leo XIII didn’t rest content with the virtue of the factory owners, so our Leo insists that a few men in California can’t have unchallenged say-so. Rather, Leo XIV envisions a role for the states as well as the “transnational institutions” that took shape in the wake of the last century’s horrors. The Catholic principles of subsidiarity holds that when a problem is too large for national authorities, it must be addressed at a higher level by some sort of “world authority,” as Saint John XXIII envisioned it in his Cold War encyclical Pacem in Terris.

Such a problem, Leo XIV feels, is AI. Hence, the new encyclical’s unfashionable emphasis on transnational governance and political universalism. Contrary to his critics on the American Catholic Right, neither is a quaint relic of the pope’s Boomer generation. Both, rather, go to the heart of his Catholic political rationality. This is the Church, as Augustine described her: tam antiquam, tam nova!

And Dan Hitchens writes:

The tech scholar Lee Vinsel has a useful term: “criti-hype”. It refers to the dire warnings about some new technology which instead serve as PR. The phrase comes to mind every time an AI executive frets that his product will throw everyone out of work and create a terrifying robot totalitarianism. It’s a kind of corporate humblebrag. Unfortunately, it exemplifies the fact that discussion of AI, positive and negative, has been largely defined by the people selling the stuff.

Until now, that is. Pope Leo XIV’s landmark first encyclical Magnifica Humanitas, which was published yesterday, is a timely, bold and extremely sensible take on artificial intelligence. One statement after another hits the mark. The technology, however effective, does not have “intelligence” in the human sense; and while it offers thrilling opportunities, many of those may be captured by a few giant monopolies. Efficiency is a boon, so long as it doesn’t become a convenient excuse for mass unemployment.

The document’s central Biblical image, the Tower of Babel, is well-chosen. It was a sophisticated technological project whose vaulting ambition led to disaster. But Leo is no doomer, and he repeatedly appeals to the better instincts of the coders, executives, investors and politicians who will shape the future of the technology.

Why, then, does the document not have me punching the air with glee? Why would I hesitate to recommend it to the AI-curious as the first thing to read on the subject?

For one thing, it is 40,000 words long: a lot to ask even if it were as beguiling as a Sam Kriss post. Instead, it is a forbidding length for a document containing sentences like “For this reason it is necessary to begin a shared discernment process for identifying the spiritual and cultural roots of ongoing transformations.” At one point, the reader is treated to a 3500-word summary of the last 135 years of papal encyclicals.

This seems more the result of bashfulness than self-importance. Magnifica Humanitas takes great pains to convince the reader that the Church has the right to say something about AI. It digresses at length about clerical abuse and the Church’s complicity in slavery, as though pleading with us not to write off the document simply because it is published by the Vatican. It also repeatedly reassures us that the Church’s role is one of “listening and dialogue”. The Church does not need to be this apologetic. In the last century, it has maintained an exceptional record of shaping political life for the better. One explanation for the three decades of peace and prosperity after the Second World War is that so many national leaders had been affected, directly or indirectly, by Catholic social thought, such as former French prime minister Robert Schuman and former German chancellor Konrad Adenauer.

Perhaps the greatest papal pronouncements on politics made savage, even satirical, attacks on the “small number of very rich men” (Leo XIII, 1891) who exercised a “despotic economic dictatorship” (Pius XI, 1931). Magnifica Humanitas adopts a more decorous tone on such matters, another reason it feels more like a beginning than a definitive statement.

The philosophical critique could also have been stronger. Catholic tradition has a great deal to say about non-artificial intelligence: about how the human intellect grasps the essence of things, rather than — like even the most advanced versions of AI — jamming together one piece of data after another. The encyclical touches on this, but too briefly and hazily to really affect the debate over AI “consciousness”.

At the press conference launching Magnifica Humanitas, Anthropic’s co-founder Chris Olah read out a statement in which he claimed that AI models were showing “evidence of introspection”. It would have been nice if, having consulted the encyclical, he had been so embarrassed that he felt the need to cut that bit out.

Magnifica Humanitas


Say nothing about it until you had read it several times, prayed over it each time, consulted several people who had done likewise, and prayed over what each of them had said.