Larry Elliott writes:
The enduring impact of closing factories
and shutting coalmines in the 1980s has been revealed in new research showing
that the drain on the exchequer from former industrial areas is responsible for
up to half the government’s £55bn budget deficit.
In the first comprehensive analysis of the cost to the
state of the de-industrialisation that began three decades ago, Sheffield
Hallam University said the annual bill was at least £20bn and was perhaps as
high as £30bn.
The report found that the
cumulative legacy of the hollowing-out of manufacturing and the year-long
miners’ strike of 1984-85 was a far heavier concentration of people claiming
incapacity benefits than in the richer parts of Britain and a more widespread
use of tax credits to top up the wages of those in low-paid jobs.
The report’s co-author, Prof
Steve Fothergill, said:
“The long-term effect of job destruction in older
industrial Britain has been to park vast numbers out of the labour market on
incapacity benefits, these days employment and support allowance (ESA).
“The
cost to the Treasury is immense, especially if all the top-up benefits are
included.
“Added to this, low wages in
these weaker local economies have jacked up spending on in-work benefits such
as tax credits and reduced income tax revenue.
“None of these impacts have
diminished over the years, despite the recent upturn and efforts to cut
claimant numbers.
“We estimate that the ongoing cost to the exchequer, in
extra benefit spending and lost tax revenue, is at least £20bn a year, and possibly
nearer £30bn.
“To put this another way, approaching half the current budget
deficit is the result of job destruction in Britain’s older industrial areas.”
The report
– Jobs, Welfare and Austerity –
said there was a continuous thread linking what happened to British industry in
the 1980s to the welfare cuts being borne by communities in the north, Scotland
and Wales today.
The loss of manufacturing jobs
fuelled spending on welfare benefits which in turn had added to the financial
problems of successive governments and led to pressure for cuts.
“The welfare reforms implemented
since 2010, and strengthened since the 2015 general election, hit the poorest
places hardest,” the report said.
“In effect, communities in older industrial
Britain are being meted out punishment in the form of welfare cuts for the
destruction wrought to their industrial base.”
The report comes as Theresa May’s
government is coming under increasing pressure
to delay cuts in disability benefits announced by the former
chancellor, George Osborne, as part of his now abandoned plan to put the public
finances back into the black by the end of the parliament.
May has raised expectations of
action to help Britain’s manufacturing heartlands by stressing the need for the
country to have an industrial strategy and by emphasising the difficulties
faced by working-class families in the speech made in Downing Street on the day
she became prime minister.
Last week Michael Fallon
guaranteed 20 years of work for the BAE Systems shipyard on the Clyde when he announced
that work on a new generation of warships would begin next summer.
But the Sheffield Hallam study found that Scotland, along
with Wales and large areas of the north of England, still bore the scars of the
period in the early 1980s when high interest rates and a strong pound led to
the loss of 2 million jobs and a fifth of the UK’s manufacturing capacity.
Subsequent recessions in the
early 1980s and the late 2000s have meant that the number of people working in
industry has fallen from a peak of 8.9 million to 2.9 million over the past 50
years – a far bigger decline than in other advanced economies.
The report found that the
increase from 750,000 to 2.5 million in the number of people on
disability-related benefits reflected hidden unemployment and that 18 of the 20
districts with the highest incapacity rates were in older industrial Britain.
In Blaenau Gwent and Neath Port Talbot in South Wales, and in Glasgow, the
incapacity claimant rate was 11.9%.
In areas where the local economy was strong, there were
much lower incapacity claimant rates.
Only one London borough, Islington,
featured in the top 100, with only four other districts in the south-east
featuring, all of them seaside towns.
Fothergill and his co-author,
Christina Beatty, said the UK spent £34bn a year on working-age incapacity
benefits once housing benefits and tax credits were added to ESA.
Of this, they
said £10bn-£14bn was the cost of job destruction in older industrial Britain.
They added that higher claimant
count unemployment in the old industrial areas was costing the exchequer a
further £1bn-£1.5bn a year.
The study estimated that the
government was also subsidising the poorly paid jobs that had replaced those
lost in manufacturing in the older industrial areas to the tune of £10bn a
year.
Spending on tax credits exceeded £850 per head a year, double the level
in southern Britain.
As a result, the poorer parts of
Britain were vulnerable to the freezing of non-pensioner benefits, including
tax credits, which Osborne announced for the duration of the current
parliament.
The study estimated that the average working age adult in the older
industrial regions would lose £750 a year by 2020-21, whereas the average loss
in Cambridge would be £340.
It added:
“The Treasury has
misdiagnosed high welfare spending as the result of inadequate work incentives
and has too often blamed individuals for their own predicament, whereas in fact
a large part of the bill is rooted in job destruction extending back decades.”
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