Taking over part, or even all, of the Conservative
second-placed vote in Middlesbrough, Rotherham or South Shields does not
constitute a threat to Labour.
UKIP or no UKIP, we need legislation with seven simple clauses.
First,
the restoration of the supremacy of United Kingdom over EU law, and its
use to give effect, both to explicit Labour policy by repatriating
industrial and regional policy (whereas the Conservatives are not
committed to any specific repatriation), and to what is at least
implicit Labour policy by repatriating agricultural policy and by
reclaiming our historic fishing rights in accordance with international
law: 200 miles, or to the median line.
Secondly, the requirement
that, in order to have any effect in the United Kingdom, all EU law pass
through both Houses of Parliament as if it had originated in one or
other of them.
Thirdly, the requirement that British Ministers
adopt the show-stopping Empty Chair Policy until such time as the
Council of Ministers meets in public and publishes an Official Report
akin to Hansard.
Fourthly, the disapplication in the
United Kingdom of any ruling of the European Court of Justice or of the
European Court of Human Rights unless confirmed by a resolution of the
House of Commons, the High Court of Parliament.
Fifthly, the
disapplication in the United Kingdom of anything passed by the European
Parliament but not by the majority of those MEPs certified as
politically acceptable by one or more seat-taking members of the House
of Commons, with the provision that no MEP who was a member of the
American Legislative Exchange Council, or of anything that the Speaker
or the House deemed comparable, would be eligible to be so certified.
Sixthly,
the giving of effect to the express will of the House of Commons, for
which every Labour MP voted, that the British contribution to the EU
Budget be reduced in real terms.
And seventhly, the provision for
a referendum on the question, “Do you wish the United Kingdom to remain
a member of the European Union?” Not to be held in 2017. Not to be held
after some renegotiation. But to be held immediately upon the coming
into effect of the legislation providing for it.
The first six clauses would come into effect at the same time as that, and would not be conditional on any referendum’s outcome.
If Nick Cohen would not want the fifth, in particular, then he would have
to be untroubled that we were subject to the legislative will of
Stalinists and Trotskyists, of neo-Fascists and neo-Nazis, of members of
Eastern Europe’s kleptomaniac nomenklatura, of people who
believed the Provisional Army Council to be the sovereign body
throughout Ireland, and of Dutch ultra-Calvinists who would not have
women candidates.
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