Ireland’s ratification of the EU fiscal pact can
only be described as abject.
There comes a point when a country has
surrendered so much of its sovereignty that its claim to be a self-governing
polity expires. Ireland has passed the point at which it can honestly be deemed
an independent country. The Republic is in abeyance.
In approving Friday’s referendum, Ireland has
voted to hand away its freedom to set its budget according to its own wishes.
This absolutely basic task of government was already compromised under the
terms of the country’s bail-out. This has already led to the dismaying spectacle
of Irish budget details being considered in Berlin before being submitted to
parliament in Dublin. Now Ireland has formally voted away its fiscal
independence by submitting to Brussels’ superintendence of its future budgets.
The surrender of monetary policy occurred when
Ireland resolved to join the Euro, despite Britain, its most important trading
partner, wisely resolving to opt out. Ireland is now a country without
independent control over its currency, its taxation policies, or its spending.
Added to scant control over its borders and its air, land and sea, can it
truthfully any longer be called an independent country?
The effects of this stripping away of
self-government are silent but pernicious.
This week’s referendum was a case in point. The
campaign was desultory on both sides, distinguished most of all by a
thorough-going cynicism and fatalism. Few in Ireland seriously doubted that
rejection of the fiscal compact would inevitably be followed by a second
referendum. The Nice Treaty was ran a second time in Ireland, as was the Lisbon
Treaty, after both were initially rejected. It is now near impossible to get a
believable verdict from the Irish electorate on a European treaty.
If turnout figures are a reliable indication,
many voters who would ordinarily vote against EU treaties no longer both to
travel to the ballot box, knowing that their wishes will simply by overturned
or bypassed. This is an electorate bruised by the abuse of referendums by the
Eurofederalist Irish elite and cowed by the thought that disobedience to the
wishes of Brussels would see the country pauperised with the ruthlessness with
which Greece is being ground into the dust to appease the debts of German
holders of Greek bonds.
Then there is the effect of infantilising
national politics. Now that the serious decisions concerning Ireland’s future
are taken in Europe rather than in Dublin, Irish politics has taken on a
puerile aspect, as the only issues within the remit of her politicians are the
trivial. Recent months have been consumed by an irrelevant but ferocious
controversy over the introduction of a new charge on homeowners. The sums
involved are utterly derisory compared with the sums at stake in Ireland’s
punitive bail-out. This is the politics of the playground. It is the politics
of a country deprived of freedom of choice over the crucial questions
concerning its own destiny.
This is seen also in the increasing tendency of
the Irish electorate to behave as craven supplicants rather than as citizens of
a Republic. The appetite for national independence is nowhere to be seen. The
indignity of being a subject province of the emerging Brussels imperium is
rarely discussed let alone decried.
So what was it all for, all the long decades of
miserable attempts at demonstrating Irish independence? What was the bloody
separation from Britain for, if national independence is so lightly esteemed
that it is cast away for the improved prospects of a hand-out from another
imperial hegemon? What was the point of Ireland’s preening neutrality during
the Second World War, to the cost of countless Allied seamen? To what end has
the murderous mythology of Irish republican irredentism been tolerated and
nurtured well into living memory, if the status of province rather than republic
is the willing choice of the Irish elite?
A sober-minded observer of Irish history is
unable to watch Ireland’s elective slouch into Euro-mediocrity without profound
dismay. Ireland’s ‘Yes’ to the fiscal compact is its ‘No’ to the more strenuous
but more honourable path of recovering the responsibilities of self-government.
I assume that a proper Irish wake will now be held for Irish independence, dead at the age of 90, 1922-2012. Scotland, take note.
I assume that a proper Irish wake will now be held for Irish independence, dead at the age of 90, 1922-2012. Scotland, take note.
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