Tuesday, 26 November 2013

Some Protestors Are More Equal Than Others

Neil Clark writes:

One thing’s for sure: if you live in the US or Western Europe, and haven’t spent the last three days locked in a wardrobe, you’re probably well aware that protests against the Ukrainian government have been taking place in Kiev.

That’s because western news networks and media outlets are making sure that you know about them. ‘Tens of thousands rally in Kiev for closer EU ties’ the Washington Post posts this AP article . ‘Thousands protest Ukraine’s rejection of trade ties’ says the New York Times.

Leading western media outlets have not only have deemed the protests to be a major story, but their reporting makes it quite clear whose side they are on. Here‘s the New York Times talking about two of the protestors. 

“For young people, the future is brighter with Europe,” said Maria Lyskenko, 20, a student, who stood with her friend, Alyona Zorina, also 20, holding a sign that said, Europe = Future Ukraine. Ms. Zorina said that President Viktor F. Yanukovich was acting out of selfishness and self-interest in deciding not to sign an agreement with the European Union.

In its report on the protests, CNN quotes a Mr David Kramer of ‘Freedom House’, described as ‘a US-based nongovernmental organization’. “He (Yanukovych) has left his country vulnerable to Vladimir Putin’s threats and pressure,” Kramer told CNN. “That will be Yanukovych’s legacy if he doesn't reverse course.”

It’s revealing to compare the highly sympathetic, high profile western coverage of the Ukrainian protests with the way other protests have been covered in recent years.

Last summer I was in Spain, at a time when there were massive nightly demonstrations in Madrid against the government’s austerity program. I sent a text message to a friend in England to ask if he had been following events in Spain and how they had been reported back home. He said that he hadn’t seen or heard anything on British television about the protests.

It’s not just the Spanish protests of 2012 which failed to receive the coverage they warranted. There have been widespread anti-austerity protests across Europe in recent years, but none of them have gained as much attention as the current protests in Ukraine. Everyone has a right to protest, but it seems that some protestors are more equal than others.

Generally speaking, we can say that if the protests are against a government the western elites don’t like or it’s a cause they support, e.g. Ukraine becoming a part of the western bloc and moving away from Russia, then they will receive extensive coverage.

Not only that, but the protest will be reported in a very positive way, even if violence is used by the protesters. We saw a classic example of that in the way that US-funded demonstrations in Yugoslavia were reported in October 2000.

The first round of the presidential elections led to no candidate achieving 50%, meaning that a second round had to be scheduled. But some people couldn’t wait for that.  A bulldozer was used to break into the Parliament and the building was smashed up and parts of it set on fire. The studios of the state television station were also set on fire and the head of state television badly beaten up.

Yet these actions, aimed to forcibly remove from power a democratically-elected president before a second poll could be held in accordance with constitutional requirements, were portrayed as being 'pro-democracy' actions in the west.

Imagine if such protests had taken place in a capital of a western European country, or in a country which was a western ally? The demonstrators who used violence and burnt the Parliament would have been condemned as ‘thugs’ and ‘criminals’, and we would have had the American President and the British Prime Minister coming out to call for order to be restored.

If it happened in Saudi Arabia, not only would there be fierce condemnation, but it’s also very likely NATO forces would be on their way to forcibly put down the uprising. But it happened in Yugoslavia, a country where western elites were hell-bent on regime change, so the west’s leaders and news channels could happily pose as being on the side of ‘the people’.

The current protests in Ukraine, like those in Yugoslavia in 2000, are ‘Officially Approved’, but  protests in other eastern European countries which are in NATO and the EU or are US allies are not ‘Officially Approved’, and consequently we don‘t hear too much about them.

2012 saw massive anti-government rallies in Romania but like the ones in Spain, they didn't get Ukraine-style coverage. Neither did the 2013 protests in Romania against the Rosia Montana gold mining project. There have been protests against successive governments in Bulgaria for most of 2013 too, but again they've not made the impact that the Ukraine protests have.

It was a similar story with the anti-government protests in Albania in 2011, and the huge protests in 2006 against the neo-liberal foreign investor-friendly Hungarian government of Ferenc Gyurcsany, which took place after an audio recording was broadcast in which the Hungarian Prime Minister admitted the government had lied ‘morning, noon and night’ to the electorate. Gyurcsany was one of the west’s ‘good guys’ and the elites most certainly did not want him toppled.

Unlike the protestors in Belgrade in 2000, the Hungarian protestors in 2006 were portrayed negatively. ‘Several cars near the TV building were set on fire, their flames scorching the building. The rioters appeared to control some areas on the ground floor of the block-square television building,’ recorded the Washington Post.

The use of the word rioters’ is interesting; start a fire at Serbian television during protests in 2000 and you’re hailed as an ‘opposition supporter’,  but start one outside Hungarian state television in 2006 and you’re a ‘rioter’. This shows us that it’s not the act itself that determines the label, it’s where you carry it out.

On 5 November this year we saw the ‘Million Mask March’ protests in more than 400 cities across the world, including London, but the best coverage of the UK demonstration was provided by RT and not UK networks. RT did cover extensively anti-government demonstrations in Moscow, interviewing protest leaders- but western news channels, alas, don't do the same when the protests are in their countries.

It’s not hard to understand why. The last thing western elites want is for people to be watching, night after night, scenes of people protesting about austerity, government corruption and corporate abuse in other western countries. That would only encourage people to take to the streets themselves.

British people, watching scenes of Spanish protestors in the streets in Madrid in 2012, would have been inspired to do likewise in London. And Britons who watched masked people march through London on 5 November and saw banners declaring: ‘The Corrupt fear us. The Honest support us. The Heroic join us,’ might decide to check up on the ‘Anonymous’ movement and do the ‘heroic’ thing and join it.

When there is coverage of domestic protests which challenge elite interests, it is nearly always negative.

The Occupy London movement’s camp at St Paul’s Cathedral, which was cleared following a court battle in 2012, was widely attacked by elite commentators. Far from welcoming the protest, Conservative MP Mark Field declared, ‘The Corporation of London needs to work with other landowners in the City of London to see that we don't see any repeat of this sort of protest in the Square Mile.’

For the western elites, anti-government street protests and demonstrations are wonderful things when they happen in Kiev, Minsk or Tehran. However, they’re not quite so wonderful when they happen in Madrid, Bucharest or London. Then it’s a case of: ‘There’s nothing to see here. Please disperse! And keep your eyes glued on Kiev!’

Monday, 25 November 2013

Call In

Student loans are being privatised for less than one fifth of the value of the debt.

As with the flagrant undervaluation of the Royal Mail, how is this even legal?

Good Lord, Deliver Us

Of course the Church is performing exorcisms against the cult of Santa Muerte in Mexico, directly linked as it is to the drug-based violence there. The Church would be, or at least ought to be, doing that even if there were no such link.

Jesus Himself was a prolific exorcist, and He commissioned His Apostles to be likewise. Even the common baptism of an infant includes exorcism, and every diocese has at least one exorcist. Yes, right here in dear old Blighty.

The whole Church was baptised with the Holy Spirit on the Day of Pentecost, and She manifests that baptism through a rich plurality of gifts, the charisms. The whole Church, and thus every member, is therefore both Pentecostal and Charismatic.

Every gift is a charism, and each is always given for the good of the whole body, in response to Her evangelistic activity, in the context of Her sacramental life, and subject to Her gift of discernment.

She exercises that gift within Her institutional life, because the institutional Church and the charismatic Church are inseparable; they are two aspects of a single reality. It is wholly unscriptural to impose any requirement that anyone exercise any particular charism in order to be considered a full, believing member of the Church.

There has never been the slightest doubt that the charisms include exorcism, the performance of which is restricted to suitably qualified persons, and it is only ever used against the power of that objective evil which we can but thank God that we do not fully understand.

But we understand this: that objective evil certainly includes the cult of Santa Muerte. Against which the Church can, and therefore not only may but must, deploy the full divine power the earthly exercise of which has been entrusted to Her.

Cult Classics

Political cults are back in the news.

But forget Brixton Maoists from the Seventies.

By far the most dangerous Western political cult since the War was the (Trotskyist-based) neoconservatism that died today.

And of which New Labour, a classic cult and full of Seventies Far Left veterans, was an integral and important part.

Payday Peace

I shall raise a glass tonight, in memory of government non-intervention in the British economy. An idea which died today, by means of the capping of the interest rates on payday loans by the Government that for several years had howled down any suggestion of such a thing.

And I shall raise a glass tonight, in honour of Britain in 2013.

The Conservatives have returned to their old-school realism with isolationist tendencies. UKIP is fully isolationist. The Lib Dems are effectively pacifist. The Greens are officially pacifist. And Labour seeks to balance all of those internally, but it no longer contains anything else.

Therefore, except in the extremely unlikely event that anyone invaded Gibraltar or the Falkland Islands, a century of peace stretches out before us.

Let joy be unconfined.

Change of Time

On this week's Desert Island Discs, how many times did Kirsty Young mention a former Labour MP and Cabinet Minister who is no longer resident in this country?

Unlike the other three people whom Ed Miliband beat for Party Leader, all of whom remain not only in Britain, but in Parliament.

The BBC needs to get over it.

The Road To Downing Street

Peter Hitchens has rightly been pointing out for years the basic factual error of those who imagined that motorists, as such, somehow owned the roads. And in what kind of country can Jeremy Clarkson be regarded as a figure of enormous influence over a key area of public policy, with something approaching a personal veto?

As part of the comprehensive reorganisation of the tax and benefits system that the Labour Party will have to devise between now and the next General Election, there ought if at all possible to be a headline-grabbing, fully costed commitment to reduce petrol duty dramatically, and either to do the same to road tax or else, quite conceivably, to abolish it altogether.

Jeremy Clarkson, of what is now the safely Labour Ward of Chipping Norton, what would you say to that? You would be saying something quite different a couple of years later, when the implications had sunk in.

Only in Britain do motorists imagine that somehow they own the roads because of "we pay for them" through road tax and petrol duty, which are not particularly large contributions to the colossal central and local government cost of the road network.

But by then, it would be too late.